SVENSKA FOR UTLANDSKA STUDENTER PDF

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Marriage and divorce patterns The marriage patterns of the Indian population in Sweden display a high frequency of transnational and mixed marriages, but also a high rate of divorces. Between and , Indian women and men were registered for marriage in Sweden. What is interesting here is the high level of intermarriage or exogamy defined by country of birth.

Of all registered marriages for the Indian-born population during the period, A smaller proportion, 7. The data on divorces further suggests that The distribution of divorces suggests a high frequency of separations in endogamous marriages in which both spouses originate from India, The data on Indian marriage and divorce patterns, however, needs to be understood in view of gendered strategies of migration and transnationally arranged marriages.

A graph of all registered marriages entered into by Indian-born men shows that they have married more extensively and over a greater range than Indian women during the twentieth century see table At the end of the s most Indian-born men married spouses from Sweden and other countries and from the early s began to marry with Indian-born women.

The data only touches on the country of birth and does not specify how many times a person has been married. Similarly the data does not clarify the ethnicity of the Swedish-born, even if one can presume that most Swedish wives in the s and the s were native Swedes, while a large proportion of the Swedish-born in the twenty-first century are second generation Indians who have reached marriageable age.

One possible explanation for the dominance of intermarriages among early male migrants is the tendency to enter pro-forma marriages with Scandinavian partner for legal papers and, after divorce, to arrange marriage with women from India under more culturally accepted forms.

Up to the s divorce statistics show a high frequency of separations between Indian men and their wives from Sweden and other countries, and in subsequent years a higher divorce rate for marriages between Indian men and women table It is noteworthy that for the whole period a total of 59 marriages with and 79 divorces from Finnish-born females were registered. In other words, a higher number of Indian men divorced than married Finnish women and consequently they must have entered into marriage in Sweden or Finland before registration began in Other major country groups in the statistics are female partners born in Poland, Pakistan and Eastern African countries Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania.

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Men who have married women in the last two categories are likely Hindus and Muslims of the Ugandan Asian community. After Denmark implemented a stricter immigration policy for family reunions at the beginning of the twenty-first century, more Indian men registered for marriage with spouses born in Denmark.

In an early migration phase most women married Indian-born men and fewer chose spouses from Sweden and other countries. Thus, unlike Indian men, Indian women have not extensively married partners from countries neighboring Sweden. Much of the early female migrants appear to be Ugandan Asians who preferred marriage with men originating from East African countries.

During the whole period many women have also married partners from Middle Eastern countries and particularly from Iran, Iraq and Bahrain.

Even if religious affiliation is not mentioned in the statistics, one can hypothesize that these women belong to Shia Muslim families within the Ugandan Asian community.

Another tendency among Indian women is the preference for spouses originating from South Asian countries, such as Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Since the s women have increasingly married Sweden-born men, but it is uncertain to what extent the figures refer to native Swedes and second generation Indian born in Sweden. The female divorce rates also indicate that an increasing number of Indian-born women began to separate from their Indian husbands at the end of s, and from their Sweden-born husbands from the s see table One can only speculate on the reasons behind this trend, but possible explanations might be that divorces have nowadays less stigma attached and also that the immigrant situation has given women more freedom to bow out of marriages with which they are not satisfied.

It is also possible that some are pro-forma marriages arranged to aid the women and their families to obtain legal residence status in Sweden and Europe. When visiting the Punjab many of them experience a need to readjust to other gender roles, duties and expectations with which they no longer feel comfortable.

Even if both women and men of the first generation may critically reflect upon some of their cultural practices, they still make attempts to preserve traditions and adjust themselves, to a very great extent, to the social pressure of families and friends. A more radical social change occurs with the second generation brought up in Sweden.

With transnational lifestyles they tend to take up critical stands towards gender roles, identifications with castes, and many social practices of their parents, and favor ideas about social equality and human rights.

On a general level, however, it is clear that Indians have built up several social and cultural networks of solidary that are based on ideas of a shared regional, national or religious identity, and are networks that operate both locally and transnationally. Many families seem to maintain strong transnational links with kinship members, friends, and co-devotees in India and in other countries through a wide range of cultural practices.

Indian homes in Sweden particularly become venues for divergent cultural influences that are transmitted through people, artefacts, and modern media, such as satellite TV and digital recordings of social events sent from relatives abroad.

Many families regularly visit India and sometimes send their children for longer study or cultural visits to learn the language and culture of their home country. Indian migration today has become more circular, involving several in and out movements. Between and on average Indian citizens emigrated from Sweden each year.

Many of these were presumably students and temporarily employed workers, but also other 52 migrants who decided to move back to India. More studies are required to examine in what ways and to what extent this mobility affects the flow of remittances, encourages developments in India and in Sweden, and creates social and economic advantages for the individuals involved. Legal Framework Sweden today imposes regulated immigration with policies laid down by the Swedish parliament and international conventions.

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In the s Sweden adopted an official policy of integration of immigrants and refugee groups and has since then made several legislative and administrative changes in relation to this policy. Important reforms included, for example, the right to interpretation and translation assistance, the right to Swedish language training for adult immigrants, the right to a basic pension and improvements in social services, state grants to immigrant organizations and religious groups, and the introduction of a shorter qualifying period for naturalization.

Two significant improvements were the franchise reform of , which granted foreign nationals with residence permits voting rights in the local and regional elections, and the home language reform of , according to which the municipalities were to provide immigrant children with instruction in their home languages at all stages in school.

The general integration policy adopted in this period was based on the objectives of equality, free choice, and interaction in mutual tolerance. Differences in social, civic and political rights between native Swedes, foreign-born Swedish citizens and immigrants with foreign citizenship were to be kept at the minimum, while immigrants and minority groups were encouraged to preserve and develop their cultural heritage and community life.

As refugee immigration intensified and the country faced, at the same time, a recession, it became clear that the position of immigrants on the labor market was weak. In comparison to native Swedes, immigrants had higher rates of unemployment and welfare dependency, and they suffered discrimination in their working life.

There was also some spatial segregation with the foreign-born concentrated in areas with a lower proportion of indigenous inhabitants. As a result, the administration for reception of refugees was, in the mids, transferred from the National Labour Market Board to the Swedish Migration Board and all the Swedish municipalities. Prior to this year the Swedish Federal Police were responsible for detention and hired private contractors to ensure its daily operation.

As more refugees and asylum seekers arrived in the s detention management was severely criticized in the media, by human-rights watch dogs and others when cases of mistreatment and forced detention surfaced.

Detention was still considered inevitable in for verifying the identity of irregular migrants, but it was not to be viewed as a criminal procedure, nor did 60 it limit the civil rights of detainees more than necessary. Perhaps the most important legislative change in the s have been the new rules for labor migration that entered into force in and that aim to facilitate the recruitment of labor from third countries by relaxing the criteria for issuing work visas.

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Other amendments include the time limit for work permits, which now can be granted for the duration of the job or for two years, with the possibility for an extension and, after four years, a permanent residence permit. Furthermore, visiting students and 61 some asylum seekers are able to apply for work permits without having to leave the country.

The objectives of the policy, as publicly presented, are to respond to shortages in the labor market and to vitalize the Swedish economy with new knowledge and experiences embodied in these workers from abroad. From another perspective it can also been seen as an attempt to maintain national control over immigration.

The Swedish rules for labor immigration became considerably more generous than the EU directives as they aim at all workers in third countries and not only highly-skilled workers. The implementation of the EU directive would thus only entail a few amendments, in addition to the national policy as it exists now. Today Indians constitute a large part of new labor migrants and occasionally the Swedish Migration Board has made special exceptions for this group.

As a means to control the terms of employment, the Migration Board needs to seek an opinion from the Swedish labor unions before approving applications for a work permit. In an attempt to speed up the bureaucratic process, a certification system was introduced and granted the board authorization from some labor unions in targeted sectors. The labor union Swedish Engineers, for example, authorized the Migration Board to approve work permits for engineers working for three of the largest Indian companies in Sweden.

In , however, the Swedish Engineers ended the agreement as they had found the certification system too insecure in protecting their members from work discrimination. This is yet another attempt to facilitate the fast recruitment of laborers in specific sectors. According to Swedish law, a close relative eligible for a permit on the grounds of family ties is a child under the age of 18 with the parents living in Sweden or someone who has married or who is planning to marry, or entering into a registered partnership, or cohabitation with a person residing in Sweden.

Only in exceptional cases can unmarried children above 18 years of age and parents of Swedish residents obtain permits on family grounds if the family members have lived 65 together outside of Sweden. In the government restricted the rules for family reunification by introducing a supply requirement for relatives residing in Sweden.

However, the rule does not apply to relatives with Swedish citizenship, foreigners who have lived in Sweden for four years, or to 66 refugees and migrants granted residence permits for humanitarian reasons. Citizen policies Swedish integration strategies have been characterized by a liberal citizen policy.

Special rules apply to children of immigrant parents with other nationalities or stateless children who still can become citizens if they have obtained permanent residence permits and if they have lived in the country from three to five years.

The naturalization process in Sweden requires permanent residence permits and duration of residence in the country, which for Nordic citizens is two years, for refuges and stateless persons four years, and for other immigrants five years. Immigrants who have been married to, living in a registered partnership with, or cohabiting with a Swedish citizen for at least two years can apply for citizenship after three years of residence.

Like many other European countries, Sweden was suspicious of dual citizenship during the twentieth century, but began to change its policies at the turn of the century and eventually accepted the principle in Statistical data on Indians in Sweden clearly indicate that many have made use of relatively easy access to Swedish citizenship.

From to on average Indian citizens were granted Swedish citizenship each year, and the majority of them, The number of applicants has also doubled in the past years, probably in response to the implementation of the Overseas Citizen of India Scheme in by the Indian government.

According to the Indian Embassy in Stockholm, many Indians choose to change their citizenship to Swedish in order to become holders of Swedish passports since this opens up new work opportunities within the Schengen zone and also means the possibility of visiting Great Britain and other countries without visa requirements.

As a migrant-receiving country currently looking for ways to fill labor-market needs in certain sectors, Sweden has adopted a positive stance towards an open and more spontaneous circular migration. Media Perception of the Indian Community During the twentieth century, popular images often portrayed India as a developing and aid recipient country, certainly rich in cultural knowledge and traditions, but blighted by poverty and social problems.

News items published in national Swedish newspapers in the past years have followed global market interests and focused on economic and technical developments of the country. Jacobsen and Kristina Myrvold, Sikhs in Europe: As Vertovec observes, the national politics of recognition and struggles over representation in pluralistic societies seem to privilege religion and also require migrants to actively reflect on what their religion is.

Due to their external symbolic behavior, such as wearing the turban and carrying a ceremonial dagger kirpan , Sikhs especially have attracted media attention. The Sikh dagger is not subject to the national knife law because it has been deemed a symbol serving religious needs and not a sharp knife to be used in acts of violence. In public discourses on integration Sikhs have recurrently appeared as an explicit example of this diversity.

The company has now more than 80 shops in Sweden, Finland and Norway. Diskrimineringslag Religious Centers and Cultural Associations While Swedish discourses on integration often privilege religion and have sometimes required migrants to actively reflect on their belonging, religion has also become a key element for organizing collective activities within the Indian community and for creating representation and visibility in society.

In Sweden today there are around forty officially registered Indian associations of different sizes, and more than twenty on-line groups for cultural, student and youth exchanges see table The first Hindu and Sikh migrants followed a typical pattern, according to which they begin by congregating in private homes to conduct religious worship and ceremonies.

When a group of co- devotees within a geographical area has become large enough and collected funding they search for premises to rent and transform into a place of worship which they can attend more regularly.

Through donations they finally download a property or a house and construct a permanent place of worship with weekly or monthly meetings. More occasionally the newspapers have reported on the public opinion, which has proved more skeptical to a more widespread use of religious symbols in workplaces. These temples were typically pan- Hindu with various gods and goddess in the Hindu pantheon represented and worshipped in the temple rooms.

But in the s the Sikhs withdrew and created their own association.

The leading members of the Hindu community in this area belonged to the Vaishnavite Swaminarayan tradition, which is closely associated with Gujarati identity and culture, and derived financial support from this movement.

The new temple was consequently dedicated to its founder Sri Swaminarayan, who is considered to be a manifestation of the Hindu god Krishna. The establishment of the new temple, however, highlighted differences in religious and cultural orientation and caused fissures in the local Hindu community. In response, families who did not share the ideals of the Swaminarayan movement, but advocated a more pan-Hindu ecumenism created a smaller all-inclusive Santana dharma temple in a rented basement in the same town.

In the s they created an association with the goal of downloading a property and of constructing a pan-Hindu temple.

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In this plan was carried out and the association opened a non-sectarian temple called Hindu Mandir in Helenelund in the northern part of Stockholm.

Nine years later a Ganesha statue in white marble, weighing three hundred kilogram, was transported from India and ritually installed in the temple.

The religious activities in the temple are today run by the association Hindu Mandir Society which organizes various educational activities, such as courses in Sanskrit, classical music and dance and study visits, providing Swedish-born children as well as the broader public with information about Hindu religion and culture. Hindus in Sweden have also sought religious affinity with co-devotees of other nationalities. Though diaspora Hindus have generally not subscribed to the specific teachings of this movement, they have visited the places of worship to venerate god Krishna and share devotion with others in a sacred space.

The temple is run by the Hindu Cultural Maintain Centre which like other associations aims to impart knowledge of Hinduism and different versions of Hindu culture. Linguistic and cultural similarities between Hindus in the Swedish diaspora have thus tended to bridge national differences and have created religious affinity and places in which to meet. With the growing number of Hindus associations, some Indians have also identified a need to coordinate activities at the national level, partly for the purpose of gaining state recognition and grants.

The Swedish Commission for Government Support to Faith Communities is a governmental body providing financial support to religious communities other than the protestant Church of Sweden, on condition that the religious group has organized itself nationally and has registered more than members. Support from local Hindu associations, however, turned out to be weak and consequently the organization was not able to create a nationwide platform.

In an early phase, during the s, Sikhs in Stockholm rented a weekend cottage or an apartment in the suburbs before downloading a property with a small house in Tullinge, south of Stockholm. Because of space problems the congregation built a larger detached house, which became the first collective gurdwara in Sweden, Gurdwara Sangat Sahib, and was formally inaugurated in For many years the members of the association rented apartments at different places in Gothenburg which functioned as provisional gurdwaras.

In the early s they downloadd a closed-down plastics factory in Hammarkullen outside the city and renovated the industrial hall into a two-storey gurdwara. Importance of collective place-making When the pioneering Hindu and Sikh migrants explain their reasons for constructing religious associations and places of worship, they often emphasize the importance of transmitting religion, language, and culture to their children. The religious congregation is considered as constituting an important space in which the second generation can gain the required social and cultural capital for maintaining the values, practices and identities of the homeland.

The Hindu temples and Sikhs gurdwaras are attributed as having functions far beyond religion and provide important social spaces in which individuals residing at different places can gather to speak their native language, build social networks and retain links with co-devotees in other countries.

Many of the Hindu and Sikh associations have been active in inter-faith dialogues and regularly invite educational, religious, and political representatives for study visits. Key persons of the organizations have repeatedly figured in public discourses on religious pluralism. The construction of temples and gurdwaras has created a new spatial visibility for Hindus and Sikhs and has ultimately contributed to an increased awareness of their religion and their presence in Sweden.

Already in the early s the Ugandan Asians in Western Sweden distinguished their religious from cultural activities and created a separate cultural association for sport activities and celebrations of festivals that were shared by Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs alike.

Similarly, other Indian migrants groups have in various parts of the country created more pan-Indian associations for arranging sport activities, fairs, and festivals that are shared with members of different faiths. One of the largest cultural organizations is the Indian Association Stockholm which started in and which has branches in several Swedish towns.

Rather than bringing the ashes of deceased family members to India for immersion into rivers, they can now spread the ashes in the nearby Baltic Sea and commemorate their departed in areas within a Christian church-ground that have been transformed into sacred spaces for their own religions.

Socio-cultural Integration of the Indian Population Although there is no intercultural study analyzing the cultural differences that Indians with various backgrounds experience when arriving in Sweden, disparate sources in the media and on various social network sites indicate that for many the landscape, the cold climate and seasonal changes make the strongest impression.

The cleanliness and the organization of public spaces, the social welfare system and Swedish ideals of equality are generally liked. More problematic is widespread individualism, Swedish bureaucracy, the costly standard of living and practical problems of finding 96 Indian food, spices and other things for managing everyday life. For them integration means preserving their cultural and religious identity and combining it harmoniously with Swedish traditions and norms.

They want to enrich the Swedish society by being integrated into it but do not want to be assimilated and get lost into it. Sweden at: As a part of the Swedish integration model, children to immigrant parents with another native language learn Swedish as a second language in primary and secondary school until they have developed sufficient linguistic skills to manage their studies and everyday life. Statistics of pupils attending classes in Swedish as a second language in both public and private schools show, for example, that the most common mother tongues among Indian children are Punjabi, Hindi, and Gujarati.

From to , for example, on average pupils with Punjabi, with Hindi, and 95 with Gujarati mother tongues participated in Swedish as second language classes. The purpose of this education, operating at the municipal level, is to develop functional skills in Swedish in order to be able to actively participate in society and working life. It remains uncertain to what extent adult Indian immigrants have made use of and completed this training.

But adults face a greater challenge in learning the new language than their children, who are quickly integrated into the Swedish schools and often assume new roles as interpreters for parents. Another challenge for first generation Indians is the cultural divide that has arisen between themselves and their children, who are being socialized in another context. As language differences often constitute a dividing line between the generations, many families have invested considerable efforts in teaching the children their native languages.

The parents remain the most significant agents for a linguistic education that takes place primarily in the home environment. In practice, the language programs have functioned well in many places, whereas in others it has been difficult to collect the minimum of pupils required to set up a language course five pupils within a municipality.

Gujaratis and Punjabis seem to have been the most active in making use of the language training at Swedish school, with 98 more than half of their children participating.

Many of the Indians in the first generation have been career-oriented and often social status within the migrant community is judged based on the educational success of their children. The young also seem to opt for higher education. In year , for example, 50 persons born in India and 77 Swedish-born persons with two Indian-born parents were enrolled in higher education and altogether constituted 2 percent of all students of foreign origin.

The gender distribution indicates that a somewhat higher degree of women choose higher education. The same year The franchise reform of granted immigrants with foreign citizenship the right to vote and to stand as candidates in municipal and regional elections, while the parliamentary elections were restricted to Swedish citizens. In practice, however, immigrants have often differed markedly from the rest of the electorate.

Their turnout is low and they are poorly represented in political terms. In the election, for example, only Similarly, the turnout for the Asian group was only By contrast, The nominations for parliamentary elections were more extensive and included a total of candidates who had Asian origins and belonged to different political parties except for the xenophobic Sweden Democrats , although none of the eleven elected were Indians.

In the Swedish parliament, for example, only 8 percent of the elected members were born in countries other than Sweden, while foreign-born persons constitute 19 percent of the total population. In general terms Indians seem to have succeeded fairly well in their economic, social and cultural integration into the Swedish society, while their political participation has been more restricted. Before coming to any further conclusions, however, it is crucial to conduct more sociological and anthropological research on various aspects of the immigration and integration of different migrant groups within the more heterogeneous community.

As the Indian population in Sweden has grown larger, empirically-based studies are needed in order to understand how people with different social and cultural backgrounds mobilize efforts to understand difference, negotiate identities and adapt to the Swedish societyon their journey to becoming full members of a multi-cultural society.

See the magazine Samband, vol 23 Oct-Dec , p. Malkyat Singh from Punjab was, in the county council elections, a candidate for the same party in Lund. Lund University Press, Arkert, Johan.

Borg, Dominika and Robert Nilsson. AltaMira Press, Ghai, D. Gregerson, Malin. Media Tryck, Guzman, Rebecka. Hole, Elisabeth. Global Perspectives Montreal: Concordia University, Antal i lager: Om schema KTH ; 7 dec VT pdf kB. Since I published my collection of foreign reports, 'Short Breaks in Mordor' as a very crude and basic e-book some years ago, several readers Student, get inspired by a professor!

Det har ar ett heltackande material i nyborjarsvenska for utlandska studenter. Boken med ljud-cd ger snabbt den vokabular och sprakliga sakerhet som gor att studenterna kan kommunicera i situationer som hor universitetsvarlden till.

Create lists, bibliographies and reviews: or Search WorldCat. Find items in libraries near you Book, [WorldCat.Many of the Hindu and Sikh associations have been active in inter-faith dialogues and regularly invite educational, religious, and political representatives for study visits. Palgrave Macmillan, Reliable, updated and comparative information on migration 2.

From to 24, residence permits were granted to Indians and a majority Create lists, bibliographies and reviews: or Search WorldCat. Demographic Characteristics of the Indian Population Estimating the Indian population in Sweden is entangled with several methodological problems, considering that Swedish population registers do not measure people by ethnicity or religion.

The traffickers thus exploit asylum seekers by using them as cheap or free labor, coercing them into under-the-table work, and siphoning off their welfare benefits.

The historical data on immigrants with India as the country of emigration indicates that direct migration during the twentieth century was not very intense, but rather that it followed a fairly stable pattern with between and individuals arriving each year. As more refugees and asylum seekers arrived in the s detention management was severely criticized in the media, by human-rights watch dogs and others when cases of mistreatment and forced detention surfaced. The same year

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